Vishleshan for Regulatory Exams, 19th August 2025: The Climate Circus Returns

Want to get ready for the UPSC, RBI, SEBI, or NABARD exam? If yes, you have to stay updated about important economic and regulatory updates. In today’s edition of Vishleshan, we’ll discuss the world’s policy on climate change. These issues are highly relevant for all the upcoming competitive exams mentioned above. Keep reading to stay ahead with a clear understanding of these current updates.

CoP-30: The Climate Circus Returns

Context: At COP 30 this November, the primary goal must be to increase pressure on developed countries to move faster and more credibly on climate mitigation. As of 2024, emissions have not deviated substantially from the high-end emissions scenario of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).

Source: Business Standard

The upcoming 30^th session of the Conference of the Parties (COP) in Belem, Brazil, will convene against a backdrop of a deteriorating global climate situation and a growing distrust between developed and developing nations. The global accumulation of greenhouse gases, a challenge that no single country can solve alone, requires effective global cooperation. However, the international climate mitigation framework is under strain due to the shift by developed countries away from the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” (CBDR) and their historical commitments, while their own actions on emissions reduction remain inadequate. This has placed the onus on developing countries, particularly China and India, to drive the global climate action agenda.

United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC):

• Origin: The UNFCCC was signed at the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992. It entered into force on March 21, 1994.
• Purpose: The central aim of the Convention is to stabilize greenhouse gas (GHG) concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous human interference with the climate system.
• Members: The Convention has a near-universal membership, with 197 Parties as of today. The countries that have ratified the convention are called the UNFCCC Conference of Parties (COP).
• Key Developments and Milestones:
  • 1997 – Kyoto Protocol (COP3): A landmark agreement that legally bound developed countries (Annex 1) to emission reduction targets.
  • 2005: The Kyoto Protocol entered into force.
  • 2011 – Durban Platform: Accepted by COP17, this platform drafted a new agreement for enhanced action.
  • 2015 – Paris Agreement (COP21): A new legally binding agreement to keep global temperature rise “well below 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels and to pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase even further to 1.5 degrees Celsius”.
• India’s Relation: India has been a strong champion of the principles of equity and CBDR-RC (Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities) at the Convention. India submits Biennial Update Reports (BURs) to the UNFCCC to track its progress on climate actions. India was also instrumental in the formation of global initiatives like the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI) and the International Solar Alliance (ISA). India has also repeatedly voiced the concerns of the Global South regarding climate aid. India has even been a potential host for COP33.

The UNFCCC, the foundational treaty for global climate action, classifies its parties into different Annex categories to reflect the principle of “CBDR”. This classification, based on a country’s economic status and historical emissions, determines its obligations under the Convention. India is placed in the Non-Annex I category, which is a justifiable position given its developmental needs, low per capita emissions, and minimal historical contribution to the climate problem.

Annex Categories in the UNFCCC:

The UNFCCC classifies its member countries into three main categories: Annex I, Annex II, and Non-Annex I. This classification was established to operationalize the principle of CBDR by placing a heavier burden on developed nations.

• Annex I Parties:
  • Composition: This group comprises industrialized (developed) countries and “economies in transition” (EITs) from Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. There are 43 parties in this category, including the European Union.
  • Rationale and Obligations: These countries are expected to lead the way in climate mitigation because they are the source of most past and current greenhouse gas emissions due to more than 150 years of industrial activity. Under the original Convention, they were obliged to reduce GHG emissions, protect and develop sinks, and submit regular, detailed reports on their climate policies and emissions inventories. The Kyoto Protocol, for example, set legally binding targets for a reduction of 5% against 1990 levels for these countries over the 2008-2012 period.
• Annex II Parties:
  • Composition: This is a subset of Annex I parties and consists of members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) as of 1992, minus Turkey, plus the European Union. There are 24 parties in this category.
  • Rationale and Obligations: In addition to their Annex I obligations to reduce emissions, Annex II countries are specifically required to provide financial and technical support to EITs and developing countries (Non-Annex I). This is to assist them in both reducing their greenhouse gas emissions (mitigation) and managing the impacts of climate change (adaptation). They are also expected to share environmentally friendly technologies to help developing nations progress towards sustainable development.
• Non-Annex I Parties:
  • Composition: This group includes all countries not listed in Annex I, primarily low-income developing countries. This is the largest group, with over 150 countries, including India and China.
  • Rationale and Obligations: The Convention recognizes that economic development is essential for these countries to progress, and their share of greenhouse gas emissions will grow. Therefore, their obligations are more general and flexible. They are encouraged to take actions to limit emissions and cooperate on research and technology, but are not bound by the same strict, legally binding targets as Annex I countries. Their reporting obligations are also less regular and are often contingent on receiving financial support for their preparation.

India’s Position in Non-Annex I

India’s placement in the Non-Annex I category is justifiably based on a strong and consistent set of arguments rooted in the core principles of the UNFCCC.

• Low Per Capita Emissions: India’s per capita CO₂ emissions are among the lowest in the world, a key argument India consistently makes in global climate discourse. In 2023, India’s per capita emissions were only 2.1 tonnes of CO₂. This is significantly lower than developed countries like the US (14.3 tonnes), Russia (12.5 tonnes), Japan (7.9 tonnes), and the EU (5.4 tonnes).
• Minimal Historical Responsibility: India’s historical contribution to the cumulative global GHG emissions is minimal, estimated at around 4%, despite having around 17% of the world’s population. This contrasts sharply with developed countries, which have a much higher historical share due to their earlier industrialization. The current high levels of GHG in the atmosphere are a result of over 150 years of industrial activity in developed nations.
• Developmental Imperatives: As a developing country, India’s priority is to address its vast population’s developmental needs, including poverty eradication and providing energy access. India has a large proportion of the global poor and its per capita energy consumption is around one-third of the world’s average. Placing India in Annex I would require a rapid and costly decarbonization, which could hinder its ability to achieve sustainable economic development, a consideration that the Convention itself acknowledges.
• Proactive Climate Action: Despite not being an Annex I country, India has been a proactive participant in global climate action. It is one of the few G20 nations that is on track to meet its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) goals. For example, India has already reduced the emission intensity of its GDP by 24% between 2005 and 2016, ahead of its 2030 target. India also achieved its target of having 40% of its electricity capacity from non-fossil fuel sources nine years ahead of schedule.
• Conclusion: Given its low per capita emissions, minimal historical responsibility, and ongoing developmental needs, India is rightly categorized as a Non-Annex I party. India’s argument, consistent with the foundational principles of the UNFCCC, is that developed countries must take the lead in mitigation and provide the means of implementation to developing countries.

Conference of the Parties (COP):

• History and Link to UNFCCC: The Conference of the Parties (COP) is the supreme decision-making body of the UNFCCC. The first COP took place in Berlin in 1995. COPs are held annually and serve as a platform for countries to negotiate and agree on new commitments and policies to address climate change. The upcoming COP30 will be held in Belem, Brazil, in November 2025.
• Impact: COPs have led to several key milestones, including the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement. India’s participation has been crucial in ensuring that the concerns of developing countries are heard and in pushing for a more equitable approach to climate action.
• India’s Participation: India has actively participated in COPs, showcasing its commitment to climate action and promoting initiatives that support the Global South. India’s Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, announced India’s ambitious climate vision at COP26 in Glasgow, including the goal of achieving net-zero emissions by 2070.

CBDR and NDC:

Common but Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR):

• What it is: A foundational principle of the UNFCCC that recognizes that while all countries share the common responsibility to address climate change, their contributions should be differentiated based on their historical contributions to the problem and their respective capabilities. The original UNFCCC placed primary responsibility for mitigation on developed countries (Annex 1).
• Need for the Concept: This principle is based on the belief that developed countries, having industrialized earlier, are largely responsible for the high levels of accumulated GHGs in the atmosphere. It allows developing countries leeway to prioritize poverty eradication and other developmental needs.
• High Per Capita Emissions of Developed vs. Developing Countries: Today’s article highlights the stark per capita emissions gap.
  • Developed Countries (2023): US: 14.3 tonnes. Russia: 12.5 tonnes. Japan: 7.9 tonnes. EU: 5.4 tonnes.
  • Developing Countries (2023): China: 8.4 tonnes. India: 2.1 tonnes.

Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC):

• Origin: NDCs are at the heart of the Paris Agreement. They represent each country’s voluntary, non-binding climate action plan to reduce emissions and adapt to climate change.
• India’s Updated NDC (2022) and Progress:
  • India submitted its updated NDC in August 2022.
  • Target 1 (Emission Intensity): To reduce the Emissions Intensity of its GDP by 45% by 2030, from 2005 levels. Progress: India has already reduced its emission intensity by 36% between 2005 and 2020.
  • Target 2 (Non-Fossil Fuel Capacity): To achieve about 50% cumulative electric power installed capacity from non-fossil fuel-based energy resources by 2030. Progress: India has already achieved this goal as of June 2025, five years ahead of its 2030 timeline, with 50% of its installed power capacity now from non-fossil fuel sources. The installed solar energy capacity has increased more than 41 times from 2.82 GW in 2014 to 116.25 GW in June 2025.
  • Target 3 (Carbon Sink): To create an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to 3 billion tonnes of CO₂ equivalent through forest and tree cover by 2030.
• Comparison: Having one of the lowest per capita emissions in the world, India is one of the few G20 nations that is on track to fulfill or even surpass its NDC goals.

Unresolved Issues and Roadblocks:

• Inadequate Global Commitments: The current commitments from all countries are insufficient to meet the 2°C limit, with projections pointing to a temperature rise of 2.6-2.8°C. If no additional action is taken, the rise could be 3.1°C.
• Diluted Commitments by Developed Countries: Developed countries have diluted their commitments and moved away from the CBDR principle. They are shifting the emphasis from cumulative to current emissions, which places the burden on developing countries.
• The US Withdrawal from Paris Agreement: US President Donald Trump withdrew the US from the Paris Agreement. This action has reduced the US’s promised emission cuts by 2030 from 40% to just 3%, representing an increase of about 2 billion tonnes of CO₂ in 2030 relative to its original pledge. This has “undone the compromises reached 10 years ago between developed and developing countries”.
• Lack of Financial Commitments: A major unresolved issue is the lack of sufficient financial and technical support from developed to developing countries. Many pledges are not new or additional, and there are significant gaps in replenishing funds like the Loss and Damage Fund.

Analysis of the Article: Decoding the Climate Action Crisis

The article serves as a stark warning about the state of global climate action, arguing that the political will to combat climate change is weakening, even as the scientific evidence of its escalating danger becomes more apparent.

• Political Inertia vs. Climate Urgency: The article highlights the growing disconnect between the urgent scientific warnings and the inadequacy of public policies. Reports from UNEP and the ADB show that current commitments will lead to a temperature increase of 2.6-2.8°C, with India’s GDP potentially falling by 24.7% in a high-end scenario by 2070.
• Shifting Blame and Responsibility: Developed countries are strategically shifting the narrative from their historical responsibility to the current emissions rate, which has increased in large developing economies. This is a direct attempt to dilute the CBDR principle and place a disproportionate burden on countries like China and India, even though their per capita emissions are significantly lower.
• The US as a Major Roadblock: The US, particularly under Donald Trump, is presented as the most “serious threat” to global climate action due to its withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and the reversal of previous climate mitigation policies. This has resulted in a significant increase in the US’s projected emissions.
• A New Alliance for COP30: The article proposes a new strategic alliance for COP30 in Brazil. Brazil and India, along with other low-emitter developing countries like Indonesia and Egypt, should “join forces” to “reassert the importance of the ‘common but differentiated responsibilities’ principle of the UNFCCC”. The primary goal of COP30 must be to raise pressure on developed countries for more credible action.

In conclusion, global climate action is in a precarious state, defined by a growing chasm between scientific urgency and political inaction. The shift away from the foundational CBDR principle, coupled with the US’s withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, has weakened the international climate framework. The article argues that the upcoming COP30 in Brazil presents a crucial opportunity for a new alliance of developing nations, led by Brazil and India, to reassert the principles of equity and justice to compel developed nations to fulfill their historical responsibilities and drive more ambitious, credible climate action.

• Sign Up on Practicemock for Updated Current Affairs, Topic Tests and Mini Mocks
• Sign Up Here to Download Free Study Material