For policymakers tracking India’s energy security, the April 2026 developments offer more than a geopolitical headline. Yes, the US sanctions waiver on Russian crude has expired, but the real story lies beneath—India’s continued reliance on Russian oil, a deepening LPG supply shock, and a fragile import architecture exposed by the Strait of Hormuz disruption. These shifts reveal structural vulnerabilities that a single policy decision cannot capture. Is India navigating a temporary supply disruption, or confronting a deeper energy security crisis shaped by geopolitics and infrastructure gaps? In this Vishleshan, we decode India’s post-waiver strategy, unpack three critical layers of risk, and outline the reforms needed to future-proof the country’s energy supply chain.
Context: When West Asia shut down, India’s energy system faced its sharpest stress test in a generation. For 340 million households that light their stoves with an LPG cylinder every morning, this was not a geopolitical event — it was a kitchen crisis. New Delhi responded the way it almost always does: quietly, without apology, and without asking anyone’s permission. It turned to Moscow. The US waiver that briefly legitimised those Russian barrels is now gone. India’s position is unchanged.
Link to the Article: Mint
Before the West Asia war broke, India’s energy import map looked like this:
The US Sanctions Waiver — What Expired and Why It Matters
What Are US Sanctions on Russian Oil?
| What Expired | What Did NOT Expire |
| Legal permission to buy Russian crude loaded before March 12 | India’s non-sanctioned entity import route |
| Spot market access to waiver-covered transit cargoes | Rupee/dirham payment mechanisms |
| US formal tolerance for those specific barrels | Decades-old India-Russia energy trade structure |
When the waiver expired on 11 April, India’s response was measured and unhesitating. India has been buying Russian crude since 2022, through three years of Western pressure, without any formal permission. The March 2026 licence was an exception to that arrangement, not its foundation. India’s actual structural basis for Russia trade is the non-sanctioned entity route — purchases routed through Russian producers and intermediaries not named on any sanctions list, paid in rupees or dirhams, shipped on non-Western vessels, and insured by non-Western providers. This architecture predates the waiver, survived it, and continues after it.
The Big Number: 90%: India imports LPG from 16 countries and crude from 41 — the diversification looks impressive on paper, until you notice that 90% of those imports were funnelled through a single 34-kilometre chokepoint(Strait of Hormuz). That is not energy diversification. That is a single-point-of-failure dependency with extra steps — and the Strait of Hormuz just proved it.
| # | Area | Problem | Solution |
| 1 | Route Diversification | 90% of LPG imports flowed through a single 34-km chokepoint. India has already pivoted to Cape of Good Hope routing as a crisis workaround — but a workaround is not a strategy. | Formalise Cape of Good Hope routing through long-term LPG carrier contracts and direct bypass agreements with the US, Australia, and Russia. Do not let this routing revert to Hormuz the moment the crisis eases — the next closure will come. |
| 2 | Strategic LPG Reserve | India’s existing crude SPR covers only ~9–10 days of import needs — already well below the IEA’s 90-day benchmark. For LPG, the buffer is zero. When Hormuz closed, India had no cushion at all. | Build dedicated LPG strategic storage — minimum 30 days of import cover — modelled on crude SPR facilities at Visakhapatnam, Mangalore, and Padur. Without this, every West Asia crisis becomes a household crisis within days.. |
| 3 | Domestic LPG Production | India’s domestic refinery LPG output covers only ~35% of demand. Refinery capacity expansion for LPG has been consistently deprioritised — treated as a byproduct problem, not an energy security problem. | Incentivise dedicated LPG extraction units at existing refineries and accelerate petrochemical integration that co-produces LPG as a byproduct. Set a binding domestic coverage target of 50% by FY29. Every tonne produced domestically is one tonne that cannot be held hostage by a geopolitical crisis 4,000 km away. |
| 4 | US-India LPG Partnership | The November 2025 US-India LPG deal covers 10% of demand — useful in peacetime, inadequate in a crisis. Canada and Australia remain in informal talks with no signed agreements and no supply triggers. | Formalise multi-year LPG supply contracts with the US, Canada, and Australia — with floor volume commitments, penalty clauses, and pre-positioned cargoes in Indian ports. Spot market purchases work in peacetime. In a disruption, only contracts with activation triggers provide real security. |
| 5 | Demand-Side Substitution | 340 million households depend entirely on cylinder LPG with no cooking fuel alternative. Demand concentration is as dangerous as supply concentration — yet policy has consistently ignored this side of the equation. | Accelerate Piped Natural Gas (PNG) rollout to Tier-2 and Tier-3 cities. Introduce targeted subsidies for induction cooking adoption among Ujjwala beneficiaries and low-income urban households. Every household shifted to PNG or induction permanently shrinks India’s Hormuz exposure — not through better supply management, but through less demand. |
The immediate test is whether the 800,000 tonnes of LPG contracted from Russia, Australia, and the US reaches Indian ports in time to relieve the distribution stress. The RBI is watching this too — LPG price pass-through into CPI is the single variable most capable of derailing the FY27 inflation trajectory of 4.6%.
Three indicators to watch over the next quarter:
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