| Difficult Word/ Phrase | Contextual Sense |
| Lure | Provoke someone to do something through (often false or exaggerated) promises or persuasion |
| Rationale | the fundamental reasons or logic behind something; the justification for something |
| Manifesto | a public declaration of intentions (as issued by a political party or government) |
| Outgo | Money paid out; an amount spent |
| Spell out | specify in detail |
| Viability | Capable of being done in a practical and useful way |
| Resentment | A feeling of deep and bitter anger and ill-will |
| Nitty-gritty | The choicest or most essential or most vital part of some idea or experience |
| Invalidate | Declare invalid |
| Extravagant | exaggerated; more than is usual, true or necessary |
| Elicit | Call forth (emotions, feelings, and responses) |
| Flagship | The chief one of a related group |
The Election Commission of India’s proposal to require political parties to disclose the financial implications of the promises they make in their manifestos (a public declaration of intentions (as issued by a political party or government)) will add meaning and depth to electoral campaigns. The idea that parties should communicate to electors the fiscal rationale for promising delivery of goods or services that would involve a significant outgo (Money paid out; an amount spent) from the exchequer is already part of the Model Code of Conduct from 2015. The ECI is now proposing a proforma for such disclosures. If parties agree and the idea is included in the Model Code, they will have to spell out (specify in detail) the section of society that a particular promise is targeted at, the extent of coverage and the number of likely beneficiaries, and the cost of implementing it. They must also spell out how the required resources will be raised. To give the parties an idea of the fiscal challenge that their promised schemes may pose, the Centre and the States have been asked to disclose details of the budget revenue receipts and expenditure as well as the outstanding liabilities. The information, it is believed, will provide a framework under which a manifesto can be assessed by the voter from the perspective of its financial viability (Capable of being done in a practical and useful way). It may also make parties treat manifesto preparation as a responsible exercise meant to persuade rather than lure the voter.
There is bound to be some resentment (A feeling of deep and bitter anger and ill-will) among sections of the political class. It may be argued that the ECI should not get into the nitty-gritty (The choicest or most essential or most vital part of some idea or experience) of manifesto formulation, especially the manner of its implementation, as that will be the political and administrative responsibility of the party that comes to power on the basis of its promises. The guideline itself arose from a Supreme Court judgment in 2013, upholding the right of parties to make electoral promises even if they involved distribution of consumer goods. It was held that such a promise would not amount to a corrupt practice, and as long as these were financed by budgetary allocations cleared by the legislature, they could not be invalidated (Declare invalid). The Court also suggested that to prevent extravagant (exaggerated; more than is usual, true or necessary) promises from upsetting the electoral level playing field, the ECI could lay down some guidelines. In practice, however, the ECI’s guidelines did not elicit (Call forth (emotions, feelings, and responses)) enough information, as parties made only routine and ambiguous disclosures. If implemented, detailed financial disclosures may help in informed voter choice, as rival parties are likely to subject manifesto promises to intense scrutiny. It may also have a more meaningful impact, be it positive or negative, on the prospect of a party winning over the electorate with a single flagship (The chief one of a related group) promise.
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